by Olaitan Babatunde
In Nigeria, deciding to run for office is not just a political decision. It is also a financial one. Before an aspirant can convince voters to support them, they may first need to convince their bank account that the ambition is affordable. The cost begins with party nomination forms, but it rarely ends there. There are campaign offices to rent, staff to pay, vehicles to fuel, posters to print, media appearances to arrange, rallies to organise and supporters to mobilise. By the time the actual election arrives, the question is no longer simply who has the best ideas. It is also who can afford to be heard.
The prices of nomination forms ahead of the 2027 elections illustrate the scale of the problem. In April 2026, the All Progressives Congress fixed its presidential expression of interest and nomination forms at a combined ₦100 million, while its governorship forms cost ₦50 million. The African Democratic Congress initially announced ₦100 million for its presidential forms before reducing the total to ₦90 million. The Nigeria Democratic Congress announced ₦60 million for its presidential forms. These figures are payments for party tickets, not the full cost of running a campaign. An aspirant who cannot raise the money to obtain a ticket may never get the opportunity to present their ideas to the wider electorate.
And the forms are only the beginning. A serious campaign requires people on the ground, transport between communities, communication teams, campaign materials, event venues and a reliable way to reach voters. Candidates may also need legal advisers, polling agents, data teams and security arrangements coordinated with the appropriate authorities. In a country where political visibility often depends on rallies, billboards, social media campaigns and constant movement, being a credible candidate is not always enough. You must also be able to sustain the machinery that makes your candidacy visible. A candidate with excellent ideas but no money for transport may struggle to reach the same voters as a rival with a fleet of vehicles and an established political network.
This creates a problem beyond the personal finances of individual politicians. When the entry price is too high, people with strong ideas and public service experience but limited financial resources can be pushed out before voters ever consider them. Politics becomes easier for wealthy individuals, established officeholders, people backed by influential financiers and aspirants with access to powerful political networks. It can also increase dependence on sponsors whose financial support may come with expectations. Not every wealthy candidate is corrupt, and not every political donation comes with strings attached. But when a campaign costs far more than an ordinary person can raise, citizens have good reason to ask who is financing the ambition and what that financier expects in return.
The law recognises that campaign spending needs limits, although a legal ceiling does not automatically make elections affordable or guarantee compliance. Under Section 92 of the Electoral Act 2026, a presidential candidate may spend up to ₦10 billion, a governorship candidate up to ₦3 billion, a Senate candidate up to ₦500 million and a House of Representatives candidate up to ₦250 million. These are maximum permitted election expenses, not mandatory budgets or evidence that every candidate spends those amounts. The law also provides for the regulation of political contributions and reporting of party election expenses. The practical questions are whether campaign finances are transparently declared, whether spending limits are enforced and whether voters can see who is funding the candidates asking for their trust.
Democracy should not require every candidate to be poor, nor should it prevent people from using their legitimate resources to pursue public office. The real concern is whether wealth has become a substitute for equal political opportunity. Parties can review nomination fees, publish clear financial rules and make their selection processes more accessible. Regulators can strengthen campaign finance monitoring, while citizens and journalists can scrutinise spending, donations and the interests behind political campaigns. Voters should also ask what a candidate intends to do, not just how impressive the campaign looks. A large rally is evidence of mobilisation, not proof of competence. A billboard can display a promise, but it cannot deliver one. If the price of entering politics keeps rising, Nigeria risks narrowing the pool of people who can realistically compete for public office. Democracy is supposed to give citizens a voice. It should not make the microphone available only to those who can afford it.
